Marie Von Bismarck

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Marie von Bismarck hat eine Vielzahl komplexer Kapitalmarkt- und M&A-​Transaktionen begleitet, insbesondere internationale Deals. Sie hat umfangreiche. Marie von Bismarck. Immobilienkauffrau bei Volker von Wülfing Immobilien GmbH. Hannover und Umgebung, Deutschland. 1 weitere Person namens Marie von. Deutsch: Reichsgräfin Marie zu Rantzau geborene von Bismarck, Tochter von Reichskanzler Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck war tief berührt von der liebevollen Teilnahme der jungen, bereits Moritz von. Bismarck ist der Name eines alten Adelsgeschlechts aus der Altmark, das im Jahrhundert Mari Ann Gräfin von Bismarck-Schönhausen (–), verheiratet mit Egbert von Oswald (–). Moritz von Oswald (* ). Ferdinand.

Marie Von Bismarck

Bismarck ist der Name eines alten Adelsgeschlechts aus der Altmark, das im Jahrhundert Mari Ann Gräfin von Bismarck-Schönhausen (–), verheiratet mit Egbert von Oswald (–). Moritz von Oswald (* ). Ferdinand. Los Tweets más recientes de Marie Bismarck (@mariebismarck): "READ. RWE machte keine gute Figur in den Berichten zum Hambacher Forst - weil viele. wilhelm von bismarck.

The King and his generals wanted to push onward, conquer Bohemia and march to Vienna, but Bismarck, worried that Prussian military luck might change or that France might intervene on Austria's side, enlisted the help of Crown Prince Frederick Wilhelm, who had opposed the war but had commanded one of the Prussian armies at Königgrätz, to dissuade his father after stormy arguments.

Bismarck insisted on a "soft peace" with no annexations and no victory parades, so as to be able to quickly restore friendly relations with Austria.

As a result of the Peace of Prague , the German Confederation was dissolved. Furthermore, Austria had to promise not to intervene in German affairs.

To solidify Prussian hegemony, Prussia forced the 21 states north of the River Main to join it in forming the North German Confederation in The confederation was governed by a constitution largely drafted by Bismarck.

As president of the confederation, Wilhelm appointed Bismarck as chancellor of the confederation. Legislation was the responsibility of the Reichstag , a popularly elected body, and the Bundesrat , an advisory body representing the states.

The Bundesrat was, in practice, the stronger chamber. Bismarck was the dominant figure in the new arrangement; as Foreign Minister of Prussia, he instructed the Prussian deputies to the Bundesrat.

Prussia had only a plurality 17 out of 43 seats in the Bundesrat despite being larger than the other 21 states combined, but Bismarck could easily control the proceedings through alliances with the smaller states.

This began what historians refer to as "The Misery of Austria" in which Austria served as a mere vassal to the superior Germany, a relationship that was to shape history until the end of the First World War.

Bismarck, who by now held the rank of major in the Landwehr, wore this uniform during the campaign and was at last promoted to the rank of major-general in the Landwehr cavalry after the war.

Although he never personally commanded troops in the field, he usually wore a general's uniform in public for the rest of his life, as seen in numerous paintings and photographs.

He was also given a cash grant by the Prussian Landtag, which he used to purchase a country estate in Varzin , now part of Poland.

Military success brought Bismarck tremendous political support in Prussia. In the elections of the liberals suffered a major defeat, losing their majority in the House of Deputies.

The new, largely conservative House was on much better terms with Bismarck than previous bodies; at the Minister President's request, it retroactively approved the budgets of the past four years, which had been implemented without parliamentary consent.

Bismarck suspected it would split the liberal opposition. While some liberals argued that constitutional government was a bright line that should not be crossed, most of them believed it would be a waste of time to oppose the bill, and supported it in hopes of winning more freedom in the future.

Jonathan Steinberg says of Bismarck's achievements to this point:. The scale of Bismarck's triumph cannot be exaggerated.

He alone had brought about a complete transformation of the European international order. He had told those who would listen what he intended to do, how he intended to do it, and he did it.

He achieved this incredible feat without commanding an army, and without the ability to give an order to the humblest common soldier, without control of a large party, without public support, indeed, in the face of almost universal hostility, without a majority in parliament, without control of his cabinet, and without a loyal following in the bureaucracy.

He no longer had the support of the powerful conservative interest groups who had helped him achieve power. The most senior diplomats in the foreign service The Queen and the Royal Family hated him and the King, emotional and unreliable, would soon have his 70th birthday.

With perfect justice, in August , he punched his fist on his desk and cried "I have beaten them all! Prussia's victory over Austria increased the already existing tensions with France.

The Emperor of France, Napoleon III , had tried to gain territory for France in Belgium and on the left bank of the Rhine as a compensation for not joining the war against Prussia and was disappointed by the surprisingly quick outcome of the war.

Bismarck, at the same time, did not avoid war with France, though he feared the French for a number of reasons. First, he feared that Austria, hungry for revenge, would ally with the French.

Similarly, he feared that the Russian army would assist France to maintain a balance of power. France never achieved any such gain, but it was made to look greedy and untrustworthy.

A suitable pretext for war arose in , when the German Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen was offered the Spanish throne, vacant since a revolution in France pressured Leopold into withdrawing his candidacy.

Not content with this, Paris demanded that Wilhelm, as head of the House of Hohenzollern, assure that no Hohenzollern would ever seek the Spanish crown again.

To provoke France into declaring war with Prussia, Bismarck published the Ems Dispatch , a carefully edited version of a conversation between King Wilhelm and the French ambassador to Prussia, Count Benedetti.

This conversation had been edited so that each nation felt that its ambassador had been slighted and ridiculed, thus inflaming popular sentiment on both sides in favor of war.

Langer, however, argues that this episode played a minor role in causing the war. Bismarck wrote in his Memoirs that he "had no doubt that a Franco-German war must take place before the construction of a united Germany could be realised.

France mobilized and declared war on 19 July. The German states saw France as the aggressor, and—swept up by nationalism and patriotic zeal—they rallied to Prussia's side and provided troops.

Both of Bismarck's sons served as officers in the Prussian cavalry. The war was a great success for Prussia as the German army, controlled by Chief of Staff Moltke, won victory after victory.

The major battles were all fought in one month 7 August to 1 September , and both French armies were captured at Sedan and Metz , the latter after a siege of some weeks.

Napoleon III was taken prisoner at Sedan and kept in Germany for a time in case Bismarck had need of him to head the French regime; he later died in exile in England in The remainder of the war featured a siege of Paris , the city was "ineffectually bombarded"; [44] the new French republican regime then tried, without success, to relieve Paris with various hastily assembled armies and increasingly bitter partisan warfare.

Bismarck quoted the first verse lyrics of " La Marseillaise ", amongst others, when being recorded on an Edison phonograph in , the only known recording of his voice.

A biographer stated that he did so, 19 years after the war, to mock the French. Bismarck acted immediately to secure the unification of Germany.

He negotiated with representatives of the southern German states, offering special concessions if they agreed to unification.

The negotiations succeeded; patriotic sentiment overwhelmed what opposition remained. The King of Prussia, as German Emperor, was not sovereign over the entirety of Germany; he was only primus inter pares , or first among equals.

However, he held the presidency of the Bundesrat , which met to discuss policy presented by the Chancellor, whom the emperor appointed.

In the end, France had to cede Alsace and part of Lorraine , as Moltke and his generals wanted it as a buffer.

Historians debate whether Bismarck wanted this annexation or was forced into it by a wave of German public and elite opinion.

Historians debate whether Bismarck had a master plan to expand the North German Confederation of to include the remaining independent German states into a single entity or simply to expand the power of the Kingdom of Prussia.

They conclude that factors in addition to the strength of Bismarck's Realpolitik led a collection of early modern polities to reorganize political, economic, military, and diplomatic relationships in the 19th century.

Reaction to Danish and French nationalism provided foci for expressions of German unity. Military successes—especially those of Prussia—in three regional wars generated enthusiasm and pride that politicians could harness to promote unification.

This experience echoed the memory of mutual accomplishment in the Napoleonic Wars, particularly in the War of Liberation of — By establishing a Germany without Austria, the political and administrative unification in at least temporarily solved the problem of dualism.

Jonathan Steinberg said of Bismarck's creation of the German Empire that:. The genius-statesmen had transformed European politics and had unified Germany in eight and a half years.

And he had done so by sheer force of personality, by his brilliance, ruthlessness, and flexibility of principle.

He had achieved the impossible, and his genius and the cult of genius had no limits. When he returned to Berlin in March , he had become immortal In , Bismarck was raised to the rank of Fürst Prince.

He was also appointed as the first Imperial Chancellor Reichskanzler of the German Empire, but retained his Prussian offices, including those of Minister-President and Foreign Minister.

He was also promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general, and bought a former hotel in Friedrichsruh near Hamburg, which became an estate.

He also continued to serve as his own foreign minister. Because of both the imperial and the Prussian offices that he held, Bismarck had near complete control over domestic and foreign policy.

The office of Minister President of Prussia was temporarily separated from that of Chancellor in , when Albrecht von Roon was appointed to the former office.

But by the end of the year, Roon resigned due to ill health, and Bismarck again became Minister-President. Bismarck launched an anti-Catholic Kulturkampf "culture struggle" in Prussia in This was partly motivated by Bismarck's fear that Pius IX and his successors would use papal infallibility to achieve the "papal desire for international political hegemony The result was the Kulturkampf, which, with its largely Prussian measures, complemented by similar actions in several other German states, sought to curb the clerical danger by legislation restricting the Catholic church's political power.

The goal was to end the pope's control over the bishops in a given state, but the project went nowhere. Bismarck accelerated the Kulturkampf.

In its course, all Prussian bishops and many priests were imprisoned or exiled. Bismarck believed that the pope and bishops held too much power over the German Catholics and was further concerned about the emergence of the Catholic Centre Party , organised in With support from the anticlerical National Liberal Party , which had become Bismarck's chief ally in the Reichstag, he abolished the Catholic Department of the Prussian Ministry of Culture.

That left the Catholics without a voice in high circles. Moreover, in , the Jesuits were expelled from Germany. In , more anti-Catholic laws allowed the Prussian government to supervise the education of the Roman Catholic clergy and curtailed the disciplinary powers of the Church.

In , civil ceremonies were required for civil weddings. Hitherto, weddings in churches were civilly recognized. Kulturkampf became part of Bismarck's foreign-policy, as he sought to destabilize and weaken Catholic regimes, especially in Belgium and France, but he had little success.

The British ambassador Odo Russell reported to London in October that Bismarck's plans were backfiring by strengthening the ultramontane pro-papal position inside German Catholicism: "The German Bishops, who were politically powerless in Germany and theologically in opposition to the Pope in Rome, have now become powerful political leaders in Germany and enthusiastic defenders of the now infallible Faith of Rome, united, disciplined, and thirsting for martyrdom, thanks to Bismarck's uncalled for antiliberal declaration of War on the freedom they had hitherto peacefully enjoyed.

The Catholics reacted by organizing themselves and strengthening the Centre Party. Bismarck, a devout pietistic Protestant, was alarmed that secularists and socialists were using the Kulturkampf to attack all religion.

He abandoned it in to preserve his remaining political capital since he now needed the Centre Party votes in his new battle against socialism.

The Pope kept control of the selection of bishops, and Catholics for the most part supported unification and most of Bismarck's policies.

However, they never forgot his culture war and preached solidarity to present organized resistance should it ever be resumed.

The anti-Catholic hysteria in many European countries belongs in its European setting. Bismarck's campaign was not unique in itself, but his violent temper, intolerance of opposition, and paranoia that secret forces had conspired to undermine his life's work, made it more relentless.

His rage drove him to exaggerate the threat from Catholic activities and to respond with very extreme measures.

The bully, the dictator, and the "demonic" combined in him with the self-pity and the hypochondria to create a constant crisis of authority, which he exploited for his own ends.

Opponents, friends, and subordinates all remarked on Bismarck as "demonic," a kind of uncanny, diabolic personal power over men and affairs.

In these years of his greatest power, he believed that he could do anything. A downturn hit the German economy for the first time since industrial development began to surge in the s.

To aid faltering industries, the Chancellor abandoned free trade and established protectionist import-tariffs , which alienated the National Liberals who demanded free trade.

The Kulturkampf and its effects had also stirred up public opinion against the party that supported it, and Bismarck used this opportunity to distance himself from the National Liberals.

That marked a rapid decline in the support of the National Liberals, and by their close ties with Bismarck had all but ended.

Bismarck instead returned to conservative factions, including the Centre Party, for support. He helped foster support from the conservatives by enacting several tariffs protecting German agriculture and industry from foreign competitors in Imperial and provincial government bureaucracies attempted to Germanise the state's national minorities situated near the borders of the empire: the Danes in the North, the Francophones in the West and Poles in the East.

As minister president of Prussia and as imperial chancellor, Bismarck "sorted people into their linguistic [and religious] 'tribes'"; he pursued a policy of hostility in particular toward the Poles, which was an expedient rooted in Prussian history.

Worried by the growth of the socialist movement, the Social Democratic Party in particular, Bismarck instituted the Anti-Socialist Laws in Socialist organizations and meetings were forbidden - except the SPD, which was allowed to take part in the elections - as was the circulation of socialist literature.

Police officers could stop, search and arrest socialist party members and their leaders, a number of whom were then tried by police courts.

Despite these efforts, the socialist movement steadily gained supporters and seats in the Reichstag. Socialists won seats in the Reichstag also by running as independent candidates, unaffiliated with any party, although the law did not ban the SPD directly, which was allowed by the German constitution.

Bismarck's strategy in the s was to win the workers over for the conservative regime by implementing social benefits. He added accident and old-age insurance as well as a form of socialized medicine.

He did not completely succeed, however. Support for the Social Democrats increased with each election. After fifteen years of warfare in the Crimea, Germany and France, Europe began a period of peace in He retained control over Prussia and as well as the foreign and domestic policies of the new German Empire.

Bismarck had built his reputation as a war-maker but changed overnight into a peacemaker. He skillfully used balance of power diplomacy to maintain Germany's position in a Europe which, despite many disputes and war scares, remained at peace.

For historian Eric Hobsbawm , it was Bismarck who "remained undisputed world champion at the game of multilateral diplomatic chess for almost twenty years after , [and] devoted himself exclusively, and successfully, to maintaining peace between the powers".

Bismarck's main mistake was giving in to the Army and to intense public demand in Germany for acquisition of the border provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, thereby turning France into a permanent, deeply-committed enemy see French—German enmity.

Theodore Zeldin says, "Revenge and the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine became a principal object of French policy for the next forty years.

That Germany was France's enemy became the basic fact of international relations. Petersburg to guarantee each other's security, while blocking out France; it lasted — Having unified his nation, Bismarck now devoted himself to promoting peace in Europe with his skills in statesmanship.

He was forced to contend with French revanchism , the desire to avenge the losses of the Franco-Prussian War.

Bismarck, therefore, engaged in a policy of diplomatically isolating France while maintaining cordial relations with other nations in Europe.

He had little interest in naval or colonial entanglements and thus avoided discord with Great Britain. Historians emphasize that he wanted no more territorial gains after , and vigorously worked to form cross-linking alliances that prevented any war in Europe from starting.

By both the Liberal and Conservative spokesmen in Britain hailed him as the champion of peace in Europe.

Taylor , a leading British diplomatic historian, concludes that, "Bismarck was an honest broker of peace; and his system of alliances compelled every Power, whatever its will, to follow a peaceful course.

Well aware that Europe was skeptical of his powerful new Reich, Bismarck turned his attention to preserving peace in Europe based on a balance of power that would allow Germany's economy to flourish.

Bismarck feared that a hostile combination of Austria, France, and Russia would crush Germany. If two of them were allied, then the third would ally with Germany only if Germany conceded excessive demands.

The solution was to ally with two of the three. Together they would control Eastern Europe, making sure that restive ethnic groups such as the Poles were kept under control.

The Balkans posed a more serious issue, and Bismarck's solution was to give Austria predominance in the western areas, and Russia in the eastern areas.

This system collapsed in In , a protracted quarrel began to fester between Bismarck and Count Harry von Arnim , the imperial ambassador to France.

Arnim saw himself as a rival and competitor for the chancellorship, but the rivalry escalated out of hand, and Arnim took sensitive records from embassy files at Paris to back up his case.

He was formally accused of misappropriating official documents, indicted, tried and convicted, finally fleeing into exile where he died.

No one again openly challenged Bismarck in foreign policy matters until his resignation. France was Bismarck's main problem. Peaceful relations with France became impossible after when Germany annexed all of the province of Alsace and much of Lorraine.

Public opinion demanded it to humiliate France, and the Army wanted its more defensible frontiers.

Bismarck reluctantly gave in—French would never forget or forgive, he calculated, so might as well take the provinces. That was a mistaken assumption—after about five years the French did calm down and considered it a minor issue.

However France complicated Berlin's plans when it became friends with Russia. In a German plan for an alliance with Russia fell through because Russia was too close to France.

Between and , Germany repeatedly manipulated the internal affairs of France's neighbors to hurt France.

Bismarck put heavy pressure on Belgium, Spain, and Italy hoping to obtain the election of liberal, anticlerical governments.

His plan was to promote republicanism in France by isolating the clerical-monarchist regime of President MacMahon. He hoped that surrounding France with liberal states would help the French republicans defeat MacMahon and his reactionary supporters.

The bullying, however, almost got out of hand in mid, when an editorial entitled " Krieg-in-Sicht " "War in Sight" was published in a Berlin newspaper close to the government, the Post.

The editorial indicated that highly influential Germans were alarmed by France's rapid recovery from defeat in and its announcement of an increase in the size of its army, as well as talks of launching a preventive war against France.

Bismarck denied knowing about the article ahead of time, but he certainly knew about the talk of preventive war. The editorial produced a war scare, with Britain and Russia warning that they would not tolerate a preventive war against France.

Bismarck had no desire for war either, and the crisis soon blew over. It was a rare instance where Bismarck was outmaneuvered and embarrassed by his opponents, but from that he learned an important lesson.

It forced him to take into account the fear and alarm that his bullying and Germany's fast-growing power was causing among its neighbors, and reinforced his determination that Germany should work in proactive fashion to preserve the peace in Europe, rather than passively let events take their own course and reacting to them.

Bismarck maintained good relations with Italy , although he had a personal dislike for Italians and their country. Politics surrounding the Austro-Prussian War allowed Italy to annex Venetia , which had been a kronland "crown land" of the Austrian Empire since the Congress of Vienna.

Without these two events, Italian unification would have been a more prolonged process. The Treaty of Berlin revised the earlier Treaty of San Stefano , reducing the size of newly independent Bulgaria a pro-Russian state at that time.

Bismarck and other European leaders opposed the growth of Russian influence and tried to protect the integrity of the Ottoman Empire see Eastern Question.

As a result, Russo-German relations further deteriorated, with the Russian chancellor Gorchakov denouncing Bismarck for compromising his nation's victory.

The relationship was additionally strained due to Germany's protectionist trade policies. Some in the German military clamored for a preemptive war with Russia; Bismarck refused, stating: "Preemptive war is like committing suicide for fear of death.

Bismarck realized that both Russia and Britain considered control of central Asia a high priority, dubbed the " Great Game ".

Germany had no direct stakes, however its dominance of Europe was enhanced when Russian troops were based as far away from Germany as possible.

Over two decades, —, he maneuvered to help the British, hoping to force the Russians to commit more soldiers to Asia. The League of the Three Emperors having fallen apart, Bismarck negotiated the Dual Alliance with Austria-Hungary, in which each guaranteed the other against Russian attack.

Attempts to reconcile Germany and Russia did not have a lasting effect: the Three Emperors' League was re-established in but quickly fell apart, ending Russian-Austrian-Prussian solidarity, which had existed in various forms since Bismarck therefore negotiated the secret Reinsurance Treaty of with Russia, in order to prevent Franco-Russian encirclement of Germany.

Both powers promised to remain neutral towards one another unless Russia attacked Austria-Hungary. However, after Bismarck's departure from office in , the Treaty was not renewed, thus creating a critical problem for Germany in the event of a war.

Bismarck had opposed colonial acquisitions, arguing that the burden of obtaining, maintaining, and defending such possessions would outweigh any potential benefit.

He felt that colonies did not pay for themselves, that the German formal bureaucratic system would not work well in the easy-going tropics, and that the diplomatic disputes colonies brought would distract Germany from its central interest, Europe itself.

The Berlin Conference of —85 organized by Bismarck can be seen as the formalization of the Scramble for Africa.

Historians have debated the exact motive behind Bismarck's sudden and short-lived move. He also wanted to undercut the anti-colonial liberals who were sponsored by the Crown Prince, who—given Wilhelm I's old age—might soon become emperor and remove Bismarck.

The establishment of the German colonial empire proceeded smoothly, starting with German New Guinea in Other European nations, led by Britain and France, were acquiring colonies in a rapid fashion see New Imperialism.

Bismarck therefore joined in the Scramble for Africa. The Berlin Conference —85 established regulations for the acquisition of African colonies; in particular, it protected free trade in certain parts of the Congo basin.

Germany also acquired colonies in the Pacific, such as German New Guinea. Hans-Ulrich Wehler argues that his imperialistic policies were based on internal political and economic forces; they were not his response to external pressure.

At first he promoted liberal goals of free trade commercial expansionism in order to maintain economic growth and social stability, as well as preserve the social and political power structure.

However he changed, broke with the liberals, and adopted tariffs to win Catholic support and shore up his political base.

Germany's imperialism in the s derived less from strength and instead represented Bismarck's solution to unstable industrialization.

Protectionism made for unity at a time when class conflict was rising. Wehler says the chancellor's ultimate goal was to strengthen traditional social and power structures, and avoid a major war.

In February , during a Bulgarian crisis , Bismarck addressed the Reichstag on the dangers of a European war:.

He warned of the imminent possibility that Germany will have to fight on two fronts; he spoke of the desire for peace; then he set forth the Balkan case for war and demonstrated its futility: "Bulgaria, that little country between the Danube and the Balkans , is far from being an object of adequate importance At the end of the conflict we should scarcely know why we had fought.

Bismarck also repeated his emphatic warning against any German military involvement in Balkan disputes. Bismarck had first made this famous comment to the Reichstag in December , when the Balkan revolts against the Ottoman Empire threatened to extend to a war between Austria and Russia:.

Only a year later [], he is faced by the alternative of espousing the cause of Russia or that of Austria. Immediately after the last crisis, in the summer of , the mutual jealousies between Russia and Austria had been rendered acute by the fresh risings in the Balkans against the Turks.

Now the issues hung upon Bismarck's decision. Immediately after the peace, he had tried to paralyse the Balkan rivals by the formation of the Three Emperors' League.

If I were to espouse the cause of one of the parties, France would promptly strike a blow on the other side I am holding two powerful heraldic beasts by their collars, and am keeping them apart for two reasons: first of all, lest they should tear one another to pieces; and secondly, lest they should come to an understanding at our expense.

A leading diplomatic historian of the era, William L. Langer sums up Bismarck's two decades as Chancellor:. Whatever else may be said of the intricate alliance system evolved by the German Chancellor, it must be admitted that it worked and that it tided Europe over a period of several critical years without a rupture His had been a great career, beginning with three wars in eight years and ending with a period of 20 years during which he worked for the peace of Europe, despite countless opportunities to embark on further enterprises with more than even chance of success No other statesman of his standing had ever before shown the same great moderation and sound political sense of the possible and desirable Bismarck at least deserves full credit for having steered European politics through this dangerous transitional period without serious conflict between the great powers.

In domestic policy, Bismarck pursued a conservative state-building strategy designed to make ordinary Germans—not just his own Junker elite—more loyal to throne and empire, implementing the modern welfare state in Germany in the s.

Bismarck worked closely with large industry and aimed to stimulate German economic growth by giving workers greater security.

Bismarck especially listened to Hermann Wagener and Theodor Lohmann , advisers who persuaded him to give workers a corporate status in the legal and political structures of the new German state.

The real grievance of the worker is the insecurity of his existence; he is not sure that he will always have work, he is not sure that he will always be healthy, and he foresees that he will one day be old and unfit to work.

If he falls into poverty, even if only through a prolonged illness, he is then completely helpless, left to his own devices, and society does not currently recognize any real obligation towards him beyond the usual help for the poor, even if he has been working all the time ever so faithfully and diligently.

The usual help for the poor, however, leaves a lot to be desired, especially in large cities, where it is very much worse than in the country.

Bismarck's idea was to implement welfare programs that were acceptable to conservatives without any socialistic aspects.

He was dubious about laws protecting workers at the workplace, such as safe working conditions, limitation of work hours, and the regulation of women's and child labor.

He believed that such regulation would force workers and employers to reduce work and production and thus harm the economy. Bismarck opened debate on the subject in November in the Imperial Message to the Reichstag, using the term practical Christianity to describe his program.

The program included sickness insurance, accident insurance, disability insurance, and a retirement pension, none of which were then in existence to any great degree.

Based on Bismarck's message, the Reichstag filed three bills to deal with the concepts of accident and sickness insurance. The subjects of retirement pensions and disability insurance were placed on the back-burner for the time being.

Young men considering emigration looked at not only the gap between higher hourly "direct wages" in the United States and Germany but also the differential in "indirect wages", social benefits, which favored staying in Germany.

The young men went to German industrial cities, so that Bismarck's insurance system partly offset low wage rates in Germany and further reduced the emigration rate.

The first successful bill, passed in , was the Sickness Insurance Bill. Bismarck considered the program, established to provide sickness insurance for German industrial laborers, the least important and the least politically troublesome.

The employers contributed one third, and the workers contributed two-thirds. The minimum payments for medical treatment and sick pay for up to 13 weeks were legally fixed.

The individual local health bureaus were administered by a committee elected by the members of each bureau, and this move had the unintended effect of establishing a majority representation for the workers on account of their large financial contribution.

This worked to the advantage of the Social Democrats who, through heavy worker membership, achieved their first small foothold in public administration.

According to a study, the health insurance legislation caused a substantial reduction in mortality.

Bismarck's government had to submit three draft bills before it could get one passed by the Reichstag in Bismarck had originally proposed that the federal government pay a portion of the accident insurance contribution.

Bismarck wanted to demonstrate the willingness of the German government to reduce the hardship experienced by the German workers so as to wean them away from supporting the various left-wing parties, most importantly the Social Democrats.

The National Liberals took this program to be an expression of State Socialism , against which they were dead set.

The Centre Party was afraid of the expansion of federal power at the expense of states' rights. As a result, the only way the program could be passed at all was for the entire expense to be underwritten by the employers.

To facilitate this, Bismarck arranged for the administration of this program to be placed in the hands of Der Arbeitgeberverband in den beruflichen Korporationen the Organization of Employers in Occupational Corporations.

This organization established central and bureaucratic insurance offices on the federal, and in some cases the state level to actually administer the program whose benefits kicked in to replace the sickness insurance program as of the 14th week.

It paid for medical treatment and a pension of up to two-thirds of earned wages if the worker were fully disabled.

This program was expanded, in , to include agricultural workers. The old age pension program, insurance equally financed by employers and workers, was designed to provide a pension annuity for workers who reached the age of Unlike the accident and sickness insurance programs, this program covered all categories of workers industrial, agrarian, artisans and servants from the start.

Also, unlike the other two programs, the principle that the national government should contribute a portion of the underwriting cost, with the other two portions prorated accordingly, was accepted without question.

The disability insurance program was intended to be used by those permanently disabled. This time, the state or province supervised the programs directly.

The new monarch was already suffering from cancer of the larynx and died after reigning for only 99 days.

He was succeeded by his son, Wilhelm II , who opposed Bismarck's careful foreign policy, preferring vigorous and rapid expansion to enlarge Germany's "place in the sun".

Bismarck was sixteen years older than Friedrich; before the latter became terminally ill, Bismarck did not expect he would live to see Wilhelm ascend to the throne and thus had no strategy to deal with him.

Conflicts between Wilhelm and his chancellor soon poisoned their relationship. Their final split occurred after Bismarck tried to implement far-reaching anti-socialist laws in early The Kartell majority in the Reichstag, including the amalgamated Conservative Party and the National Liberal Party, was willing to make most of the laws permanent.

However, it was split about the law granting the police the power to expel socialist agitators from their homes, a power that had been used excessively at times against political opponents.

The National Liberals refused to make this law permanent, while the Conservatives supported only the entirety of the bill, threatening to and eventually vetoing the entire bill in session because Bismarck would not agree to a modified bill.

As the debate continued, Wilhelm became increasingly interested in social problems, especially the treatment of mine workers during their strike in Keeping with his active policy in government, he routinely interrupted Bismarck in Council to make clear his social views.

Bismarck sharply disagreed with Wilhelm's policies and worked to circumvent them. Even though Wilhelm supported the altered anti-socialist bill, Bismarck pushed for his support to veto the bill in its entirety.

When his arguments could not convince Wilhelm, Bismarck became excited and agitated until uncharacteristically blurting out his motive to see the bill fail: to have the socialists agitate until a violent clash occurred that could be used as a pretext to crush them.

Wilhelm countered that he was not willing to open his reign with a bloody campaign against his own subjects.

The next day, after realizing his blunder, Bismarck attempted to reach a compromise with Wilhelm by agreeing to his social policy towards industrial workers and even suggested a European council to discuss working conditions, presided over by the Emperor.

Still, a turn of events eventually led to his breaking with Wilhelm. Bismarck, feeling pressured and unappreciated by the Emperor and undermined by ambitious advisers, refused to sign a proclamation regarding the protection of workers along with Wilhelm, as was required by the German constitution.

His refusal to sign was apparently to protest Wilhelm's ever increasing interference with Bismarck's previously unquestioned authority.

Bismarck also worked behind the scenes to break the Continental labour council on which Wilhelm had set his heart. The final break came as Bismarck searched for a new parliamentary majority, as his Kartell was voted from power as a consequence of the anti-socialist bill fiasco.

Bismarck wished to form a new block with the Centre Party and invited Ludwig Windthorst , the parliamentary leader, to discuss an alliance.

That would be Bismarck's last political maneuver. Upon hearing about Windthorst's visit, Wilhelm was furious.

In a parliamentary state, the head of government depends on the confidence of the parliamentary majority and has the right to form coalitions to ensure their policies have majority support.

However, in Germany, the Chancellor depended on the confidence of the Emperor alone, and Wilhelm believed that the Emperor had the right to be informed before his minister's meeting.

After a heated argument in Bismarck's office, Wilhelm—to whom Bismarck had shown a letter from Tsar Alexander III describing Wilhelm as a "badly brought-up boy"—stormed out, after first ordering the rescinding of the Cabinet Order of , which had forbidden Prussian Cabinet Ministers from reporting directly to the King of Prussia and required them instead to report via the Chancellor.

Bismarck, forced for the first time into a situation that he could not use to his advantage, wrote a blistering letter of resignation, decrying Wilhelm's interference in foreign and domestic policy.

The letter, however, was published only after Bismarck's death. Bismarck resigned at Wilhelm II's insistence on 18 March , at the age of seventy-five.

Steinberg sums up:. Thus ended the extraordinary public career of Otto von Bismarck, who Now the humble posture that he had necessarily adopted in his written communications with his royal master had become his real posture.

The old servant, no matter how great and how brilliant, had become in reality what he had always played as on a stage: a servant who could be dismissed at will by his Sovereign.

He had defended that royal prerogative because it had allowed him to carry out his immense will; now the absolute prerogative of the Emperor became what it has always been, the prerogative of the sovereign.

Having crushed his parliamentary opponents, flattened and abused his ministers, and refused to allow himself to be bound by any loyalty, Bismarck had no ally left when he needed it.

It was not his cabinet nor his parliamentary majority. He had made sure that it remained the sovereign's, and so it was that he fell because of a system that he preserved and bequeathed to the unstable young Emperor.

He was also given a new title, Duke of Lauenburg, which he joked would be useful when traveling incognito. He was soon elected to the Reichstag as a National Liberal in Bennigsen's old and supposedly safe Hamburg seat, but he was so humiliated by being taken to a second ballot by a Social Democrat opponent that he never actually took up his seat.

Bismarck entered into resentful retirement, lived in Friedrichsruh near Hamburg and sometimes on his estates at Varzin , and waited in vain to be called upon for advice and counsel.

After his wife's death on 27 November , his health worsened and one year later he was finally confined to a wheelchair. In December , Wilhelm visited Bismarck for the last time.

Bismarck again warned him about the dangers of improvising government policy based on the intrigues of courtiers and militarists:.

Your Majesty, so long as you have this present officer corps, you can do as you please. But when this is no longer the case, it will be very different for you.

Jena came twenty years after the death of Frederick the Great ; the crash will come twenty years after my departure if things go on like this.

One day the great European War will come out of some damned foolish thing in the Balkans. Bismarck spent his final years composing his memoirs Gedanken und Erinnerungen , or Thoughts and Memories , a work lauded by historians.

He also published the text of the Reinsurance Treaty with Russia, a major breach of national security, for which an individual of lesser status would have been heavily prosecuted.

Bismarck's health began to fail in He was diagnosed with gangrene in his foot, but refused to accept treatment for it; as a result he had difficulty walking and was often confined to a wheelchair.

By July he was permanently wheelchair-bound, had trouble breathing, and was almost constantly feverish and in pain.

His health rallied momentarily on the 28th, but then sharply deteriorated over the next two days. He died just after midnight on 30 July , at the age of eighty-three in Friedrichsruh , [] where he is entombed in the Bismarck Mausoleum.

He was succeeded as Prince Bismarck by his eldest son, Herbert. Bismarck managed a posthumous snub of Wilhelm II by having his own sarcophagus inscribed with the words, "A loyal German servant of Emperor Wilhelm I".

Historians have reached a broad consensus on the content, function and importance of the image of Bismarck within Germany's political culture over the past years.

Bismarck's most important legacy is the unification of Germany. Germany had existed as a collection of hundreds of separate principalities and Free Cities since the formation of the Holy Roman Empire.

Over the centuries various rulers had tried to unify the German states without success until Bismarck. Largely as a result of Bismarck's efforts, the various German kingdoms were united into a single country.

Following unification, Germany became one of the most powerful nations in Europe. Bismarck's astute, cautious, and pragmatic foreign policies allowed Germany to peacefully retain the powerful position into which he had brought it, while maintaining amiable diplomacy with almost all European nations.

France was the main exception because of the Franco—Prussian War and Bismarck's harsh subsequent policies; France became one of Germany's most bitter enemies in Europe.

Austria, too, was weakened by the creation of a German Empire, though to a much lesser extent than France. Bismarck believed that as long as Britain, Russia and Italy were assured of the peaceful nature of the German Empire, French belligerency could be contained; [ citation needed ] his diplomatic feats were undone, however, by Kaiser Wilhelm II , whose policies unified other European powers against Germany in time for World War I.

Historians stress that Bismarck's peace-oriented, "saturated continental diplomacy" was increasingly unpopular, because it consciously reined in any expansionist drives.

Likewise Bismarck's policy to deny the military a dominant voice in foreign political decision making was overturned by as Germany became an armed state.

Bismarck's psychology and personal traits have not been so favourably received by scholars. The historian Jonathan Steinberg portrays a demonic genius who was deeply vengeful, even toward his closest friends and family members:.

His easy chat combined blunt truths, partial revelations, and outright deceptions. His extraordinary double ability to see how groups would react and the willingness to use violence to make them obey, the capacity to read group behavior and the force to make them move to his will, gave him the chance to exercise what [Steinberg has] called his "sovereign self" [].

Evans says he was "intimidating and unscrupulous, playing to others' frailties, not their strengths.

Being a committed monarchist himself, Bismarck allowed no effective constitutional check on the power of the Emperor, thus placing a time bomb in the foundation of the Germany that he created.

Observers at the time and since have commented on Bismarck's skill as a writer. As Henry Kissinger has noted, "The man of 'blood and iron' wrote prose of extraordinary directness and lucidity, comparable in distinctiveness to Churchill 's use of the English language.

He played his parts with perfect self-confidence, yet mixed them with rage, anxiety, illness, hypochrondria, and irrationality.

He used democracy when it suited him, negotiated with revolutionaries and the dangerous Ferdinand Lassalle , the socialist who might have contested his authority.

He utterly dominated his cabinet ministers with a sovereign contempt and blackened their reputations as soon as he no longer needed them.

He outwitted the parliamentary parties, even the strongest of them, and betrayed all those By even his closest friends During most of his nearly thirty-year-long tenure, Bismarck held undisputed control over the government's policies.

He was well supported by his friend Albrecht von Roon , the war minister, as well as the leader of the Prussian army Helmuth von Moltke.

Bismarck's diplomatic moves relied on a victorious Prussian military, and these two men gave Bismarck the victories he needed to convince the smaller German states to join Prussia.

Bismarck took steps to silence or restrain political opposition, as evidenced by laws restricting the freedom of the press, and the anti-socialist laws.

He waged a culture war Kulturkampf against the Catholic Church until he realized the conservatism of the Catholics made them natural allies against the Socialists.

His king Wilhelm I rarely challenged the Chancellor's decisions; on several occasions, Bismarck obtained his monarch's approval by threatening to resign.

However, Wilhelm II intended to govern the country himself, making the ousting of Bismarck one of his first tasks as Kaiser.

Bismarck's successors as Chancellor were much less influential, as power was concentrated in the Emperor's hands. Immediately after he left office, citizens started to praise him and established funds to build monuments like the Bismarck Memorial or towers dedicated to him.

Throughout Germany, the accolades were unending, several buildings were named in his honour, portraits of him were commissioned from artists such as Franz von Lenbach and C.

Allers and books about him became best-sellers. Numerous statues and memorials dot the cities, towns, and countryside of Germany, including the famous Bismarck Memorial in Berlin and numerous Bismarck towers on four continents.

The only memorial depicting him as a student at Göttingen University together with a dog, possibly his Reichshund Tyras and as a member of his Corps Hannovera was re-erected in at the Rudelsburg.

The gleaming white Bismarck Monument in the city of Hamburg , stands in the centre of the St. Pauli district, and is the largest, and probably best-known, memorial to Bismarck worldwide.

The statues depicted him as massive, monolithic, rigid and unambiguous. Bismarck was the most memorable figure in Germany down to the s.

The dominant memory was the great hero of the s, who defeated all enemies, especially France, and unified Germany to become the most powerful military and diplomatic force in the world.

Of course, there were no monuments celebrating Bismarck's devotion to the cause of European peace after His fellow Junkers were disappointed, as Prussia after became swallowed up and dominated by the German Empire.

Liberal intellectuals, few in number but dominant in the universities and business houses, celebrated his achievement of the national state, a constitutional monarchy, and the rule of law, and forestalling revolution and marginalizing radicalism.

Especially negative were the Poles who hated his Germanization programs. Robert Gerwarth shows that the Bismarck myth, built up predominantly during his years of retirement and even more stridently after his death, proved a powerful rhetorical and ideological tool.

Gerwarth argues that the constructed memory of Bismarck played a central role as an antidemocratic myth in the highly ideological battle over the past, which raged between and This myth proved to be a weapon against the Weimar Republic and exercised a destructive influence on the political culture of the first German democracy.

Frankel in Bismarck's Shadow shows the Bismarck cult fostered and legitimized a new style of right-wing politics.

It made possible the post-Bismarckian crisis of leadership, both real and perceived, that had Germans seeking the strongest possible leader and asking, "What Would Bismarck Do?

It was a product of the desire of Hamburg's patrician classes to defend their political privileges in the face of dramatic social change and attendant demands for political reform.

To those who presided over its construction, the monument was also a means of asserting Hamburg's cultural aspirations and of shrugging off a reputation as a city hostile to the arts.

The memorial was greeted with widespread disapproval among the working classes and did not prevent their increasing support for the Social Democrats.

Bismarck was created Graf von Bismarck-Schönhausen "Count of Bismarck-Schönhausen" in ; this comital title is borne by all his descendants in the male line.

In , he was further created Fürst von Bismarck "Prince of Bismarck" and accorded the style of Durchlaucht "Serene Highness" ; this princely title descended only to his eldest male heirs.

In , Bismarck was granted the title of Herzog von Lauenburg " Duke of Lauenburg " ; the duchy was one of the territories that Prussia seized from the king of Denmark in It was Bismarck's ambition to be assimilated into the mediatized houses of Germany.

He attempted to persuade Kaiser Wilhelm I that he should be endowed with the sovereign duchy of Lauenburg, in reward for his services to the imperial family and the German empire.

This was on the understanding that Bismarck would immediately restore the duchy to Prussia; all he wanted was the status and privileges of a mediatized family for himself and his descendants.

This novel idea was rejected by the conservative emperor, who thought that he had already given the chancellor enough rewards.

There is reason to believe that he informed Wilhelm II of his wishes. After being forced by the sovereign to resign, he received the purely honorific title of "Duke of Lauenburg", without the duchy itself and the sovereignty that would have transformed his family into a mediatized house.

Bismarck regarded it as a mockery of his ambition, and he considered nothing more cruel than this action of the emperor.

Domestic [] []. Foreign []. The life of Prince Bismarck. James Maclehose and Sons. Categories : German noble families Political families of Germany Bismarck family.

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Bismarck coat of arms. Carl-Eduard, Prince of Bismarck.

Marie Von Bismarck Video

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